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INDIA KASHMIR PROTEST

Posted by Kashmir Portal on June 18, 2009

INDIA KASHMIR PROTEST, originally uploaded by Bhat Abid.

An Indian police officer detains activists of Jammu Kashmir People’s Freedom League as they shout freedom slogan during a protest in Srinagar, Indian Kashmir, 11 June, 2009. Protests continued in Indian Kashmir against the deaths of two young women whom locals claim were raped and murdered by Indian soldiers.

Posted in File Record, Jammu and Kashmir (I.O.K.) | Comments Off on INDIA KASHMIR PROTEST

India’s Research and Analysis Wing RAW in Pakistan

Posted by Kashmir Portal on June 16, 2009

India’s Research and Analysis Wing RAW in Pakistan
By salmanit at 15 June, 2009, 5:26 am
By Salman Mansoor
The Cabinet Secretariat Research and Analysis Wing [RAW], India’s most powerful intelligence agency, is India’s external intelligence agency. RAW has become an effective instrument of India’s national power, and has assumed a significant role in formulating India’s domestic and foreign policies.
RAW has engaged in disinformation campaigns, espionage and sabotage against Pakistan and other neighboring countries. RAW has enjoyed the backing of successive Indian governments in these efforts. Working directly under the Prime Minister, the structure, rank, pay and perks of the Research & Analysis Wing are kept secret from Parliament.

Current policy debates in India have generally failed to focus on the relative priority given by RAW to activities directed against India’s neighbors versus attention to domestic affairs to safeguard India’s security and territorial integrity. The RAW has had limited success in dealing with separatist movements in Manipur and Tripura in the northeast, Tamil Nadu in the south, and Punjab and Kashmir in the northwestern part of the country. Indian sources allege the CIA has penetrated freedom fighters in Kashmir and started activities in Kerala, Karnataka, and other places, along with conducting economic and industrial espionage activities in New Delhi.

In 1968 India established this special branch of its intelligence service specifically targeted on Pakistan. The formation of RAW was based on the belief that Pakistan was supplying weapons to Sikh terrorists, and providing shelter and training to the guerrillas in Pakistan. Pakistan has accused the Research and Analysis Wing of sponsoring sabotage in Punjab, where RAW is alleged to have supported the Seraiki movement, providing financial support to promote its activities in Pakistan and organizing an International Seraiki Conference in Delhi in November-December 1993. RAW has an extensive network of agents and anti-government elements within Pakistan, including dissident elements from various sectarian and ethnic groups of Sindh and Punjab. Published reports allege that as many as 35,000 RAW agents have entered Pakistan between 1983-93, with 12,000 are working in Sindh, 10000 in Punjab 8000 in North West Frontier Province and 5000 in Balochistan. As many as 40 terrorist training camps at Rajasthan, East Punjab, Held Kashmir, Uttar Pradesh and other parts of India are run by the RAW’s Special Service Bureau (SSB).

Throughout the Afghan War RAW was responsible for the planning and execution of terrorist activities in Pakistan to deter Pakistan from support of Afghan liberation movement against India’s ally, the Soviet Union. The assistance provided to RAW by the KGB enabled RAW to arrange terrorist attacks in Pakistani cities throughout the Afghan War. The defeat of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan did not end the role of RAW in Pakistan, with reports that suggest that India has established a training camp in the town of Qadian, in East Punjab, where non-Muslim Pakistanis are trained for terrorist activities. Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has blamed India for funding the current upsurge of terrorism in Pakistan, and senior ministers have blamed the Research and Analysis Wing for the sectarian violence between Shias and Sunnis which has resulted in thousands of deaths every year.

The Government of Pakistan frequently assigns responsibility for terrorist activity to the Indian Government, even when no evidence can be verified. It is evidently in the interest of the Pakistani government to blame terrorist actions on external rather than internal sources, just as it would be in the interest of Indian services to obscure their hand in such actions. Terrorist activities in Pakistan attributed to the clandestine activities of Indian and Afghan intelligence agencies include:

* A car bomb explosion in Saddar area of Peshawar on 21 December 1995 caused the deaths of 37 persons and injured over 50 others.
* An explosion at Shaukat Khanum Hospital on 14 April 1996, claimed the lives of seven persons and injured to over 34 others.
* A bus traveling from Lahore to Sahiwal was blown up at Bhai Pheru on 28 April 1996, causing the deaths of 44 persons on the spot and injuring 30 others.
* An explosion in a bus near the Sheikhupura hospital killed 9 persons and injured 29 others on 08 May 1996.
* An explosion near Alam chowk, Gujranwala on 10 June 1996 killed 3 persons and injured 11 others.
* A bomb exploded on a bus on GT Road near Kharian on 10 June 1996, killing 2 persons and injuring 10 others.
* On 27 June 1996, an explosion opposite Madrassah Faizul Islam, Faizabad, Rawalpindi, killed 5 persons and injured over 50 others.
* A bomb explosion in the Faisalabad railway station passenger lounge on 08 July 1996 killed 3 persons and injured 20 others.

RAW has responded to Pakistani arms and training for Muslim militants in the disputed region of Kashmir state. RAW allegedly executed a hijacking of an Indian Airliner to Lahore in 1971 which was attributed to the Kashmiris, to give a terrorist dimension to the Kashmiri national movement. However soon the extent of RAW’s involvement was made public.

RAW has a long history of activity in Bangladesh, supporting both secular forces and the area’s Hindu minority. The involvement of RAW in East Pakistan is said to date from the 1960s, when RAW promoted dissatisfaction against Pakistan in East Pakistan, including funding Mujibur Rahmanh’s general election in 1970 and providing training and arming the Mukti Bahini.

During the course of its investigation the Jain Commission received testimony on the official Indian support to the various Sri Lankan Tamil armed groups in Tamil Nadu. From 1981, RAW and the Intelligence Bureau established a network of as many as 30 training bases for these groups in India. Centers were also established at the high-security military installation of Chakrata, near Dehra Dun, and in the Ramakrishna Puram area of New Delhi. This clandestine support to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), some of whom were on the payroll of RAW, was later suspended. Starting in late 1986 the Research and Analysis Wing focused surveillance on the LTTE which was expanding ties with Tamil Nadu separatist groups. Rajiv Gandhi sought to establish good relations with the LTTE, even after the Indian Peace Keeping Force [IPKF] experience in Sri Lanka. But the Indian intelligence community failed to accurately assess the character of the LTTE and its orientation India and its political leaders. The LTTE assassination of Rajiv Gandhi was apparently motivated by fears of a possible re-induction of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Sri Lanka and a crackdown on the LTTE network in Tamil Nadu.

The RAW and the Ministry of External Affairs are provided Rs 25 crore annually as “discretionary grants” for foreign influence operations. These funds have supported organisations fighting Sikh and Kashmiri separatists in the UK, Canada and the US. An extensive network of Indian operatives is controlled by the Indian Embassy in Washington DC. The Indian embassy’s covert activities are reported to include the infitration of US long distance telephone carriers by Indian operatives, with access to all kinds of information, to r blackmail relatives of US residents living in India. In 1996 an Indian diplomat was implicated in a scandal over illegal funding of political candidates in the US. Under US law foreign nationals are prohibited from contributing to federal elections. The US District Court in Baltimore sentenced Lalit H Gadhia, a naturalised US citizen of Indian origin, to three months imprisonment. Gadhia had confessed that he worked as a conduit between the Indian Embassy and various Indian-American organisations for funnelling campaign contributi
ons to influence US lawmakers. Over $46,000 from the Indian Embassy was distributed among 20 Congressional candidates. The source of the cash used by Gadhia was Devendra Singh, a RAW official assigned to the Indian Embassy in Washington. Illicit campaign money received in 1995 went to Democratic candidates including Sens. Charles S. Robb (D-Va.), Paul S. Sarbanes (D -Md.) and Reps. Benjamin L. Cardin (D-Md.) and Steny H. Hoyer (D-Md.).

Posted in Current News, File Record | Comments Off on India’s Research and Analysis Wing RAW in Pakistan

Kashmir: Conflict in a Peaceful Valley

Posted by Kashmir Portal on June 16, 2009

Kashmir: Conflict in a Peaceful Valley

Activists from the Jammu Kashmir Salvation Movement (J.K.S.M.) hold placards during a Feb. 23 demonstration in Srinagar, Kashmir, against alleged human rights violations by Indian security forces. (Photo: Rouf Bhat / AFP-Getty Images)

The United States Ambassador to the United Nations, Susan Rice, identified Kashmir as one of the world’s hot spots and bracketed it with contested regions such as the Balkans and Golan Heights during her testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations committee last month.

Likewise, in an interview with Time magazine in November 2008, President Barack Obama stated that “working with Pakistan and India to try to resolve the Kashmir crisis in a serious way” was one of the most “critical tasks” for his administration.

With worldwide attention once again focused on Kashmir, all major stakeholders in the region — Pakistan, India, Kashmiri separatists, religious extremists, and peacebuilders alike — are hoping that the renewed international spotlight can facilitate an end to the decades-long conflict that has resulted in over 80,000 deaths and hundreds of thousands of displaced people.

Contrary to widespread perceptions of a conflict-torn Kashmir, rife with military intervention and armed uprisings, the region remained relatively peaceful until a few decades ago when an armed struggle for separation from India started.

For the most part, Kashmir maintained a sense of communal harmony throughout the war in 1948, following Pakistan’s independence from British India in 1947. And although the Kashmiri region of Jammu was witness to the worst kind of massacre and exodus of Muslims to the neighboring areas of Pakistani-ruled Punjab during the war, this did not affect the daily life of most Kashmiris outside Jammu.

Kashmir is comprised of three distinct religions and regions — In Kashmir Valley, 98 percent of the population is Muslim; in Jammu, 60 percent of the population is Hindu; and in Ladakh, 49 percent is Buddhist. Kashmiris have always been proud of their diverse cultures, traditions and religions, with Hindus, Christians, Buddhists and Muslims living together in communal harmony. Even Gandhi lauded the Kashmiris for their peace-loving nature and called Kashmir “a ray of hope in the darkness.”

While the roots of the present conflict trace back to the time of partition, the more recent violent struggle began when Kashmiri Muslims, emboldened by the Afghan success in the fight against the Soviets, launched a similar movement against India in the late 1980’s.

The ensuing 18 years of armed revolt created religious divides where previously there were none, and caused 200,000 Kashmiri Hindus to flee the Valley. Eventually, however, the armed struggle waned, due to international pressure and decreased popular support for violent tactics in the wake of 9/11.

In 2008, mass uprisings in Kashmir began again when the Indian government proposed donating a large portion of Kashmiri land for a Hindu shrine. Kashmiri Muslims saw this as a plan to change the demographic of Kashmir, which would inevitably result in new Hindu settlements and began protesting against India. Despite some casualties, these protests remained largely peaceful.

On August 18, 2008, over half a million people took to the streets of Srinagar, the capital of Kashmir, and marched to the office of the UN Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) at the Sonawar settlement in Srinagar, to remind the world that the issue of Kashmir was still pending.

These mass protests attracted support from Indian civil society groups and attention from the international community. Kashmiri stakeholders, including militant groups, enthusiastically welcomed this renewed international interest in the resolution of the Kashmir conflict. Even Syed Salahudin, chief of Hizb ul Mujahideen (the Mujahideen Party), on behalf of the United Jihad Council — a group of several militant organizations — stated that Obama and Rice’s statements were encouraging in bringing about a resolution to the Kashmir conflict.

In addition, the recently-elected chief minister of Indian-controlled Jammu and Kashmir, Omar Abdullah, said in his swearing-in ceremony on Jan. 5 that he wholeheartedly supported normalization between Islamabad and New Delhi, and publicly pledged that he would facilitate the settlement of the Kashmir issue.

While these non-violent demonstrations have attracted the world’s attention, given Obama’s recent acknowledgment of the conflict, words alone cannot help; concrete actions must be taken by the United States to facilitate lasting peace in the region.

As a first step, the Obama administration should appoint a special envoy to Kashmir. Indeed, the announcement was made at the end of January that the mandate of United States envoy to South Asia Richard Holbrooke would not include Kashmir, leaving the position open for someone else. This envoy should encourage India and Pakistan to include Kashmiri representatives in consultation, and promote dialogue between the two countries throughout the process.

By re-igniting the Pakistani-Indian peace process and engaging Kashmiris in dialogue — along with Pakistanis and Indians — the United States can provide assistance in resolving the Kashmir problem, which has thus far been a major hurdle in establishing peace in the region and fostering healthy relations between the two nuclear states.

Ershad Mahmud is a Kashmiri political analyst based in Islamabad, Pakistan.

Posted in Articles & Editorials, Conflict of Kashmir, File Record, Freedom Movements, Jammu and Kashmir (I.O.K.) | Comments Off on Kashmir: Conflict in a Peaceful Valley

Human Rghts & Kashmir in 1900s

Posted by Kashmir Portal on June 16, 2009

kashmir-global-network : Message: [kashnet] Human Rghts & Kashmir in 1900s

Human Rghts & Kashmir in 1900s
Worst ever HR situation in Kashmir during 11 years
From Masood Hussain
SRINAGAR, Jan 2: For the last one decade, strife-ridden Kashmir is the
much-talked-about case of human rights. Insurgency and counter-insurgency
has made
almost every individual a victim of one or the other side. Though the crisis
had political
goals, it seems it is ending up as a strong case of human rights with
politics in the
background.

Academicians introspecting the last century are perturbed over the fact that
Kashmir’s
present-day identity as a “worst case of human rights” is nothing new.
Barring a brief
period of a few decades this century, they say, people had no human right
from 1752,
when the Afghans invaded and occupied Kashmir. “The human rights might be a
modern concept to the people but for us it has been the subject that made us
cry over
the centuries”, said Manzoor Ahmad, a history teacher.

“The interesting finding”, according to Abdul Rashid, a school teacher, “is
that the
history has repeated itself in such a fashion that the tools of terror which
were devised
by various regimes between 1752-1947 have all been put to use here during
last one
decade”. Barring the economic drainage of resources that was the hallmark of
the
pre-partition regimes, Kashmir was somehow used to the Begar (forced
labour),
deportations, detention in far away places, rapes, summary executions,
destruction of
houses, torture of various kinds though not this magnitude. Following the
past practice,
the situation has started in having a little but permanent impact on
architecture, life-style,
vocabulary and the thinking of the people.

The Mughal occupation, according to Dr Mohammed Ashraf Wani of the
University of
Kashmir’s History Department, marked the beginning of victimisation of
Kashmir.
Initially the economic interests were hit which gradually devoured the
routine basic rights
of the people in various regimes that followed. Barring brief periods in
which the people
were permitted to survive on their own, the terror was the buzzword of all
the regimes
from Afghan (1752-1819) to Sikh (1819-1846) and then to Dogras (1846-1947).
There
was no right of the people in any of these regimes. “A good number of people
were
migrants and not having a settled life till the beginning of this century as
they were
simple food-gatherers keen to ensure that the powerful do not snatch away
their meals”,
added Dr Ashraf.

“Afghans and the human rights are poles apart”, said Prof Abdul Majid
Mattoo, the KU
Registrar and the head of the Centre for Central Asian Studies. He referred
to one of
the governors Kakar Khan, who mutilated a corpse in order to create terror
among the
subjects on the first day of his arrival. “The right to life and property
was at the sweet
good will of the rulers”, he said. “As long as one paid taxes and avoided
challenging
authority of rulers, there were no major problems”, he added. There,
however, were
certain cases of the Kabul leaders marrying local women against their
wishes.

In the Sikh rule that followed, asserts Mattoo, there was terror and torture
on religious
grounds. Mosques were closed, heavy taxes were imposed and there were no
punishments for killing a Muslim. The tax collectors would add to the tools
of terror, he
added.

The subsequent Dogra rule that commenced from 1846 with the establishment of
the
state of Jammu & Kashmir was no different. “The biggest and the unparalleled
violation
of the human rights was the Treaty of Amritsar under which the British sold
Kashmir to
Gulab Singh on March 16, 1846 for a sum of Rs. 75,00,000 against the will of
the
people”, said Manzoor. Things did not change even after a Christian
missionary Arthur
Brinckman authored a pamphlet “The Wrongs of Kashmir”, pleading for direct
British
presence in the valley to prevent the people from blatant exploitation.

F M Fida Husnain, author of two books on Kashmir’s fight against the
Maharajas of
Jammu, paints a very grim picture of the human rights. People didn’t enjoy
rights over
anything. Hundreds would perish while taking rations for troops to Gilgit
via Bandipore
on their backs without any clothing, food or shelter. Their produce would be
taken away
by the rulers, people would not be permitted to take fish or beef, and there
would be
heavy taxation. “The state would not mind a female becoming a prostitute
here or in
Queta as long as she pays a sum of Rs. 100 to the Maharaja”, he said adding,
and “her
return to a virtuous life would be blocked”.

It was in this period that the first civil libertarian laid down his life
for Kashmir. Robert
Throp, one of the three siblings of Colonel Throp and Kashmiri women Jana
from Sugan
village (according to Husnain) came to Kashmir, the land of his mother.
Moved by the
misery on all fronts, he authored the famous “Cashmere Misgovernment”. He
was found
dead near Shankaracharya and laid to rest in the Christian missionary here.
Though
Husnain has sent the copy of his book to the International Court of Justice,
Geneva and
is seeking an apology from the descendents of Gulab Singh to Kashmiris, he
insists
that Hari Singh was the benevolent of them all. Singh, he says, stopped the
“export of
Kashmiri women to outside”, started education and initiated certain welfare
measures.

It was in this atmosphere that the beginning of this century marked the
start of a
movement for independence. After the people offered their sacrifices in 1931
and
afterwards, certain reliefs and rights were given to them after the Glancy
Commission
recommendations. After the fall of monarchy in the tricky situation of 1947,
some
revolutionary changes took place. Giving people the right to own was the
revolutionary
one. It restored the people’s economic rights over the years. Most of the
people were
satisfied with the changes taking place and they had most of the rights
barring the
political ones, only if they choose to oppose the popular will.

However, the division of the state and the subsequent emergence of a dispute
out of
Kashmir, did add to the problems. For most of the time Sheikh Mohammed
Abdullah,
Kashmir’s most powerful leader of the century, ruled from October 30, 1947
to August 9,
1953, he not only resented but suppressed the opposition, according to his
erstwhile
colleague Prem Nath Bazaz. The pro-Pakistan and pro-India but anti-Sheikh
were dealt
with the same stick. Defences of India Rules, Enemy Agents Ordinance and
Preventive
Detention Act were promulgated on one hand and on the other “a band of
ragtag and
bobtail was organised to humiliate the critics”.

After Bakhshi Gulam Mohammed was installed, he gave birth to the infamous
“peace
brigade”, the unofficial militia of the state that would do the wonders of
silencing the
opposition. Under Bakshi rule one could be imprisoned for five years,
released for a
few days and again detained for five years without trial and without serving
the grounds
of detention. In Bakhshi rule, observed Bazaz, “the moral degradation set in
hypocrisy,
dissimulation, lying and cowardice reappeared in the Kashmir and no longer
spoke
their minds fearlessly”.

The continuous denial of political rights did finally result in hate against
the process of
elections. This hate was sharpened by the secessionist militancy in such a
way that
there was a coffin in the main chowk of Anantnag in 1989 for the first
voter. And in 1999
polls, it was the boycott that won the game.

The post-1989 development on the human rights front is a separate chapter.
While it is
almost a mixture of the tools widely used by earlier regimes, the quantum of
violations
and its diversity was never so much. No death is documented in the earlier
times
because of torture-induced acute renal failure; no perforation of the gut
because of
insertion of crude foreign bodies from the rear; no rape in front of the
parents; and there
was no law permitting the state to destroy the house of its “misguided
citizen”. It was
only in the reign of Gulab Singh, that death by hot iron rods in custody of
cow-eaters
were reported. There were no shut-gun marriages, nor were the cases of
people
reported missing after their arrest. Killings were reported in every regime
but the
cemeteries never expanded at such a fast pace.

All existing indications on the human rights suggest that things are not
going to change
in the coming days. Many think the plight of human rights is the offshoot of
the main
political issue, once it is settled, things will change automatically. Since
the chances of
an early political settlement are unlikely, a section asserts the priority
must shift towards
the human rights. Both the views are roaming around with no change on the
ground.

Mass Media & Kashmir in 1900s
Print media witnesses many ups and downs
From Masood Hussain
SRINAGAR, Jan 1: Existence of “press” in the state in twentieth century
notwithstanding, the effective mass media appeared on the scene only in the
post-partition era. Most of the struggle against the Dogra monarchy that
dominated the
first four decades was carried out with the traditional tools of defiance,
protest and
voluntary arrests. The press, that was supportive to the Kashmir fight, was
far away in
the Punjab.

Though the emergence of the press in literal sense of the word dates back to
early
forties, its development is totally a post-partition story. So is the case
of radio that came
in 1948 and Television that arrived in early seventies. Though the state-run
media may
claim to have accomplished some of its targets, the print continues to be in
a position
where its struggle for being “responsive and free” is on so that it assumes
the image of
a “leader and trend setter” like other literate communities.

Of the 234 publications registered across the state, 84 are from Kashmir.
These include
43 daily-newspapers. Unlike recent past, Kashmir journalism is not
necessarily the Urdu
journalism as four newspapers are being published in English and three of
them are
available on the world wide web (www). Behind these “successes”, there is a
long
history in which the community underwent ups and downs, which during certain
regimes
led to the banning of a number of publications.

Dr Jawhar Qadousi, a scholar journalist, who has researched the subject,
divides the
history of media (more precisely print) in six different periods. The first
period that ends
with the partition, was the most primitive period during which there were
stringent laws
to prevent the publication of anything against the monarchy. The Glansy
Commission
Report of 1932, said Qadousi, did help in making things easier for the
people in
education and employment and so also the media. Some new papers started
coming
out with a bit of more independence and the monarchy would not go against
them, he
added.

However, in the second period (1947-1953) in which it was Sheikh Mohammed
Abdullah ruling the “just freed state”, things started changing fast. No
criticism was
accepted. Qadousi refers to the “dragging and beating” of Somnath Tickoo in
December 1948, by the National Conference (NC), despite that his paper was
pro-NC.

The Press Act, which had been amended by Maharaja to make things easier for
the
newspapers, was amended again and made harsher. The period witnessed the
rise of
various pro-NC newspapers. After his arrest, Bakhshi Gulam Mohammed took the
control and unleashed his “infamous” peace brigade against the media.
Qadousi, who
terms 1953-63, as the third period of the media, says 16 newspapers were
banned by
the regime.

The subsequent regimes of Gulam Mohammed Sadiq and Syed Mir Qasim (1964-75)
were affordable. Sadiq, he says, was initially supportive but in 1965 and
1967; he
banned 16 other newspapers. “By and large he was supportive and soft and Mir
Qasim
also continued with the same policy”, he added.

He terms the fifth phase of 1977-88 as the best period for the print media
in Kashmir.
There was a better quantum of freedom available and the proprietors
installed the offset
printing presses. This helped in expanding the readership that was limited
to the ruling
elite, bureaucracy and the upper stratum of the society.

The sixth phase that started from 1989 and continues has been the worst and
the most
challenging phase. Though it helped newsmen in proving their acumen while
the guns
were shooting from all sides, the era claimed lives of eight persons from
this
microscopic community. At certain junctures, the community would be at the
receiving
end from all the parties involved in the mess. In the history of print media
in Kashmir, the
newspaper never witnessed so much of circulation of their papers, however,
neither of
them could maintain it in the subsequent years.

“Sometimes, the freedom of the press seemed to be a myth”, said a
journalist, “and
sometimes one feels being suffocated”. They have been working under pressure
and
duress from various sides at the same time. “Is not it difficult to manage
peace with all
parties on a single incident that involves them all ?”, said a reporter,
“long live the
concept of so called balancing the copy”. That the Kashmir scribes have been
working
on a razor’s edge for the last over one decade is an old story now. The new
story is that
there are concerted efforts at various levels to play with the credibility
of the people
reported from Srinagar.

“Some newspapers were having six to eight pages before the militancy set in
and now
you see how difficult it is for a proprietor to change even a single page of
his
publication”, says Qadousi. With pressures from all the quarters, it has hit
the news
content, which ultimately has affected the quality. This all has helped the
newspapers to
witness a slump in their circulation. With these challenges before the print
media in the
twentieth, it seems the publication of a “complete language (Urdu)
newspaper” from
Srinagar becomes an agenda for the next century.

The print media in Kashmir has not registered its role-player status in the
society which
has been its biggest failure and that has given it the image of a parasitic
bourgeois in
the power elite and hagiographer among the commoner. It has avoided
addressing its
economic aspect. With quite a few newspapers self-sufficient, most of the
rest are a
flouting lot. Of late, the language press has started recruiting the
professionals. The
Kashmir University is running two units – Medi
a Education & Research
Department and
Audio Video Research Department with the candidates getting post-graduate
degrees.
Since both the courses are meant for the English and the electronic media,
the
language press is not getting professional help.

Unlike print media, the case of state-run public broadcasting is more or
less a success
stories as far as their targets and reach is concerned. Radio came into
being in 1948
with the primary aim to counter the offensive broadcasting being made on the
other side
of the Kashmir, or the other part of India that was by then the Islamic
Republic of
Pakistan.

While delivering this primary duty, the radio became the most powerful
medium in the
state. It contributed in imparting non-formal education to the people.
Besides, trying to
guide the peasant, the main worker of the Valley’s agrarian economy, it did
prove a
source of entertainment.

However, its biggest crisis was the migration of its Regional News Unit
(RNU) to
Jammu for a couple of years (after 1990), during which, it would broadcast
the lie – Yeh
Radio Kashmir Srinagar Hai. Because of its compulsions, the RNU would
broadcast
everything that would neutralise the gains of the institution on other
fronts.

DD’s story is no more different. Its news section also migrated after its
Director Lassa
Koul was gunned down. However, its reach is limited as least number of
people own the
TV sets. The erratic power supplies and the presence of more international
channels
has made its reach more limited.

Though the twin institutions can claim a right of helping the local
litterateur, the poet,
singer and other related professionals, but the monitory benefits did went
straight-away
to certain families and groups while society got a lot of gossip, scandals
and the new
narcissist trends in various periods. DD might have done hundreds of
programmes, the
fact is that people do not remember anything beyond Hazaar Dastaan.

As far the Internet, the fastest growing information highway that has
started transforming
the life, Kashmir is not lagging behind other areas in the third world. Of
the five
newspapers from the state available on the net, three are from Kashmir.
Infact Kashmir
was on the net much before the facility came to Kashmir in 1998. Perhaps
Kashmir is
the only place from the third world that dominates over one lakh web pages
on the net.

Ask rediff.com, a respectable on-line newspaper, about Kashmir – they have
28, 011
sites available as their “editor’s choice”. Search through the routine
search engines
Yahoo and MSN, you get 21 standard linking sites and 200 top spots,
respectively. And
if you choose the Alta Vista, it would offer you 84,905 web pages. Even the
amazon.com, the biggest bookstore on the net, you have 303 titles about
Kashmir
available on the first day of the 2000.

Posted in File Record | Comments Off on Human Rghts & Kashmir in 1900s

AJK to consider hijackers'

Posted by Kashmir Portal on June 16, 2009

kashmir-global-network : Message: [kashnet] AJK to consider hijackers’

AJK to consider hijackers’ request

ISLAMABAD (NNI) – Prime Minister Azad Kashmir Barrister Sultan
Mahmood Chaudhry Saturday said his government will consider if hijackers
of the Indian plane made any request to be allowed to enter the AJK
territory.
“We will consider the request if the hijackers want to come to Azad
Kashmir. But first we should ascertain who they are,” Sultan told reporters.

“Let first the request come from hijackers’ side,” the AJK Prime Minister
said, when his attention was drawn towards reports that the hijackers are
heading towards Azad Kashmir. He said the hijackers have not arrived in
Azad Kashmir.
He said Maulana Masood Azhar is a Pakistani national and “he would like
to come to his hometown”. He said the hijacking drama was maneouvered
by the Indian intelligence RAW just to brand the Kashmir freedom
movement as a terrorist
He said India staged the hijacking drama because of the growing sympathy
and awareness about Kashmir issue internationally. He referred to
President Clinton’s recent statement in which he hinted that the Kashmir
issue would be resolved in the year 2000.
He said India is worried over the growing international support and that is
why it is staging various dramas to defame the movement for
self-determination.
Asked on one hand your are terming the hijacking as a drama, but the
hijackers secured release of Kashmiri fighters, he said RAW used such
tactics to defame the Kashmiris.
He questioned India’s role in the whole episode, saying that Indian
government’s permission to the hijacked plane to leave Amritsar air port
had raised a lot of questions. He said India wanted the hijackers to kill al
passengers, but failed to do so.
Earlier addressing a function organized by Kashmiri group “Lashkar
Tayyba” the AJK Premier said delay in Kashmir solution had put in danger
the credibility of the international community.
He said complicated issues like Bosnia, East Timor and Kosovo have been
resolved in 10 years, but the 50 year old Kashmir issue was still
unresolved.
He said it is a question mark on UN credibility, saying, “We want
implementation of the UN resolutions on Kashmir.

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